Cutting Up the Philippines

This is a provoking piece... so what do you think?


By MIRIAM CORONEL FERRER


Federalism, as we noted in last week’s column, is an old debate in the Philippines. One other proponent I missed mentioning is the Cordillera People’s Liberation Army (CPLA) that was founded by the late rebel priest, Conrado Balweg. During peace talks with the Aquino government in 1986, the CPLA’s proposed a federal set-up of co-equal states with the Cordilleras making up one such state. This shows that while the federalism campaign is largely fueled by the need to address the conflict in Mindanao, other regions have also felt alienated from the national center and see common cause with the federalists in Mindanao.How might a future Federal Philippines look like?

In two House Bills filed in 2004, Luzon will have the five federal states of Metro Manila, Northern Luzon, Central Luzon, Southern Tagalog and Bicol. Visayas and Mindanao will each have three: Eastern, Western and Central Visayas; and Northern Mindanao, Southern Mindanao, and Bangsamoro Federal States. In all, 11 federal states.

The Citizens’ Movement for a Federal Philippines’ draft constitution aims for 10 states, with Visayas divided into only two states: East and West. The current Western Visayas provinces of Aklan, Antique, Capiz, Guimaras, Iloilo, Negros Occidental will be boosted by the inclusion of Palawan, currently under Southern Tagalog. All the other Visayan provinces will make up Eastern Visayas. A trimmer proposal recommends only eight states – Northern Luzon (including the Cordillera), Central Luzon (including provinces in Southern Luzon and Metro Manila cities except Manila, Makati and Quezon City), a single Visayan state, Bangsa Moro, Northern Mindanao, and Southern Mindanao. In this proposal, the federal capital will be made up of Manila, Makati and Quezon City. Jose V. Abueva suggests transforming the Clark Economic Zone into the federal capital instead.

Federalist Palawenos disagree with these schemes. They want a separate federal state for Palawan. They support plans to break up Palawan into three provinces in order to qualify as a region. From an administrative region, it can then glide into becoming its own federal state. Because of oil and gas resources, Palawenos’ are very confident of their capacity to stand on their own. The redrawing of boundaries, it is hoped, will correct inefficiencies, inequities and divisiveness that plague current territorial divisions. It can make possible the re-clustering of barangays and towns into more efficient units. Cultural communities sharing the same mountain range or are on opposite sides of the same river but are artificially divided by present boundaries can be reunited. To arguments that federalism might only foster regional inequities, proponents look up to foreign models such as the federal block grant system which subsidizes lower-income regions. This is practiced in federal states like Canada.

Despite the impassioned re-imagining of a different Philippines, advocates know that federalism is not a panacea to all social ills. There is no full-proof guarantee of positive outcomes. Reforms in other areas (electoral, political, socio-economic) must also take place. Reader Cliff Richey, an American living in the country, also cautions: "I would not expect too much from federalism or even a parliamentary system. Improvement in government is mostly achieved by improvement in the quality of the politicians as well as in the populace."

One author lists three criteria to consider in cutting up the country: geographical and cultural factors; development potential; and availability and accessibility of infrastructure within each proposed state.

Along this line, I propose not to have a separate Bangsamoro state since it would end up more or less composed only of the current low-income five provinces and one city that make up the ARMM.

Instead, Sulu, Basilan, Tawi-tawi along with the Zamboanga provinces, Misamis Occidental and Lanao del Norte can make up a Western Mindanao state. Maguindanao, Lanao del Sur, Shairff Kabunsuan can join Sultan Kudarat, Lanao del Sur, North and South Cotabato, Sarangani and Davao del Sur to constitute Central Mindanao. The rest of Mindanao’s current 27 provinces can form the Eastern Mindanao state.

My proposed three-autonomous regions/states scheme for Mindanao considers all relevant factors of demography, fiscal and economic viability, historical claims, and geographic contiguity. In Central and Western Mindanao, Moros will have a fair chance to compete for government posts, exercise leadership and protect their collective interests. Both the MNLF and MILF claims for self-governance can potentially be solved, given that their respective bailiwicks coincide more or less with the two regions. Best of all, autonomy, political participation and protection of interests are enhanced for all, the Moros, the lumad and settlers. A Mindanao-wide agenda is served.

The combined low to high income class-composition of the provinces and cities enhances the viability and potential of each region. It cannot be denied however that Eastern Mindanao will have the head start in terms of economic standing, since it will constitute the biggest region and will have the most developed provinces and cities falling under it: 11 provinces and 11 cities, including four 1st income class provinces, and four 1st income class cities. Also, Eastern Mindanao will be predominantly non-Moro. The Moros in this region will be a small minority. In any case, Central and Western Mindanao Regions will also be substantially viable given the distribution/inclusion of first and second income-class provinces and cities in each. ARMM simply is not.

Actually, establishing three such autonomous regions for Mindanao, as a prelude to a transition to a federal system, can be done now even without Cha-cha. The autonomous regions can be created by law based on the constitutional provision that autonomous regions may be set up in "areas sharing common and distinctive historical and cultural heritage, economic and social structures, and other relevant characteristics." This distinct heritage across the three regions is their "tri-people" (Moro, settlers and lumad) character, even though they differ in the actual "tri-people" mix and composition.

The Central and Western Mindanao regions shall have significant Moro populations whose members can be expected to assume mayoralty posts in many municipalities, and even the governorship based on merit and electoral competition. At the same time, the autonomous regional government can adopt mechanisms that would allow proportional representation of the Moro, lumad, settler and other populations in legislative bodies, councils, etc.

Most lumad communities will be located in the proposed Eastern Mindanao and Central Mindanao regions. These regions should ensure their political participation, economic development, and the protection of their ancestral domains. Tribal federations should be incorporated in governance mechanisms and processes.

Going beyond the dominant approach of a distinct autonomous region or state for the Moros does not in any way dilute the cause of the Bangsamoro for self-governance. Bangsamoro claimants have themselves been redefining the Bangsamoro as inclusive of all the peoples of Mindanao – except that the more inclusive but also historical term Mindanao can really better capture this plural composition.